The highest court in Georgia has revived the state’s six-week abortion ban — despite the fact that when it passed in 2019, it violated the nationwide law of the land under a still-intact Roe v. Wade.
The Peach State’s strict law makes abortions illegal after cardiac activity has been detected in an embryo, typically at around six weeks of pregnancy. The statute was passed in 2019, then struck down as unconstitutional. However, the Georgia Supreme Court ruled in a 6-1 decision — with two justices abstaining — that reinvigorated the law known as the LIFE Act.
A riddle of timing
Georgia’s Living Infants Fairness and Equality Act (“LIFE Act”) was signed into law by Gov. Brian Kemp, a Republican, in 2019. At the time, Roe v. Wade — the 1973 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that established a constitutional right to an abortion — was well-settled law. It was not until June 2022 that the Supreme Court overturned Roe with the decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization.
Justice Samuel Alito’s majority opinion in Dobbs pronounced the nearly 50-year-old decision in Roe as “egregiously wrong from the start,” and said that under the current Court’s interpretation, “[t]he Constitution does not confer a right to abortion.” The ruling was a green light for many states’ so-called “trigger laws” banning abortion pending Roe being overturned to go into effect.
Regardless of it being overturned, however, Roe was binding precedent from the time the decision was handed down in 1973 until it was overruled in 2022 — and was controlling law at the time the LIFE Act was enacted.
Under Roe and the pre-Dobbs decisions thereafter, states could not constitutionally enact or enforce laws that would deprive women of their right to terminate a pregnancy during the first trimester. The Georgia LIFE Act, which bans most abortions from as early as six weeks of pregnancy — sometimes with criminal penalties — was a clear violation of Roe’s mandate.
In a ruling that would likely have been no shock to the Georgia legislature, a federal court struck down the LIFE Act in July 2020 — nearly two years before the Supreme Court ruled in Dobbs.
So what did the 2022 overruling of Roe mean for the LIFE Act? Would the Georgia legislature need to enact a new version of the law, or would the LIFE Act somehow go back in effect even though it was unconstitutional at the time it was enacted?
The Georgia Supreme Court ruled Tuesday that despite being dormant for two years, the LIFE Act is now once again valid and enforceable, without the need for any new action by state lawmakers.
Void ab initio
As soon as the LIFE Act was put on Georgia’s books in 2019, litigation to challenge the statute began. A federal court declared it unconstitutional in its entirety and permanently enjoined any enforcement of the law. However, once the Supreme Court overruled Roe in 2022, Georgia appealed and scored an easy win at the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit. Given that any constitutional protection of the right to abortion had been eradicated, the 11th Circuit resurrected Georgia’s LIFE Act by throwing out the lower court’s order.
Challengers to the law then filed a second lawsuit, this time arguing in Georgia state court that the LIFE Act (H.B. 481) had been “void ab initio” — or “void from inception.” The state court lawsuit did not assert any federally-protected right to abortion, but instead focused on the procedural defects of allowing the LIFE Act to spring back into action.
Plaintiffs argued that the statute should be analyzed against “the legal environment that existed when H.B. 481 was enacted,” not against what happened in Dobbs two years later. Because the law was “unequivocally unconstitutional” when it was adopted, it is void for all time, they said.
“A faulty premise” and the role of the justices
Though it might seem that a statute that was clearly illegal when adopted would be void from the start, the Georgia Supreme Court came to an entirely different conclusion. It ruled that H.B. 481 would not fail for voidness, reasoning that Dobbs did not change the meaning of the Constitution. Rather, it reasoned, the Constitution never meant to confer a right to abortion — and only its interpretation of that has changed.
Justice Verda M. Colvin, the first African American woman judge appointed by a Republican governor to Georgia’s highest court, wrote for the six-member majority and called the idea that the U.S. Supreme Court changed the meaning of the Constitution in Dobbs a “faulty premise.”
Colvin explained that the justices are “not the source of the Constitution’s meaning,” and have no power to amend the Constitution on their own. Rather, the judge elaborated, the Constitution’s meaning was fixed at the time the document was ratified, and the Court only has power to change its interpretation.
Concluding that “the United States Constitution means today what it meant when the LIFE Act was enacted in 2019, even if the United States Supreme Court’s interpretation of the Constitution has changed,” Colvin ruled that any perceived conflict between the LIFE Act and the Constitution in 2019 amounts to no real conflict at all.
Colvin did devote a few paragraphs of the 38-page ruling to acknowledging that Georgia Supreme Court’s ruling “might appear to be an unusual result.”
“Because Roe and its progeny were controlling authority on the meaning of the United States Constitution when the LIFE Act was enacted, one reasonably could have expected at that time that the constitutionality of the LIFE Act would be evaluated under Roe-era precedent,” Colvin sympathized.
Despite that reasonable expectation, Colvin clarified, the Georgia court has no choice but to be “obedien[t]’ and “faithfully apply” Dobbs now, without considering what would have been the outcome under Roe.
Lone dissenter Georgia Supreme Court Justice John Ellington had quite a different take on the resurrection of the formerly-unconstitutional LIFE Act.
“A legislative enactment that is void ab initio, even though any statute it creates or amends may remain ‘on the books,’ cannot spring to life because of any subsequent change in the law, even a constitutional amendment or revision,” Ellington wrote in dissent.
Certainly, Ellington conceded, now that “the Dobbs Court ended any protection under the United States Constitution of a right to terminate a pregnancy before viability,” state legislators may pass laws that would have conflicted with pre-Dobbs federal precedent, but, “[b]ecause the 2019 Act was moribund when enacted, however, the change in doctrine subsequently wrought by the Dobbs decision cannot resuscitate it.”
Ellington also explained that although the legislature could surely pass a new law now, there are good reasons for requiring new legislation, rather than simply reviving an act that has already been invalidated:
As a matter of public policy, requiring re-enactment is healthy for our democracy. It promotes public civic engagement, and it requires our legislators to be responsive to public opinion in light of new precedent and to consider the will of the people when making policy decisions that will profoundly affect them. In this case, the public may have understood, based on well-settled precedent, that the 2019 Act would have been struck down in whole or in part under Roe. The Dobbs decision, however, dramatically changed the post Roe legal landscape. The re-enactment requirement integral to Georgia’s void ab initio doctrine affords its citizens an opportunity to communicate to their elected representatives their preferences in light of such a drastically altered legal landscape.
The future ahead
Monica Simpson, executive director of SisterSong Women of Color Reproductive Justice Collective, the lead plaintiff in the case, said in a statement that Tuesday’s ruling is “devastating.”
“This abortion ban has forced Georgians to travel across state lines at great expense or continue the life-altering consequences of pregnancy and childbirth against their wills,” Simpson said. “In a state that already has OB/GYN deserts, one of the highest maternal mortality rates, especially for us as Black women, and cruel anti-trans legislation, this decision only further disregards us, our bodily autonomy, and our lives.”
ACLU of Georgia’s executive director, Andrea Young, called for the legislature to take action:
“Today’s ruling is not the end of this fight for women’s healthcare,” Yang said in a statement. “Be clear, the right to abortion is on the ballot in 2024. Gov. Brian Kemp and the Georgia legislature acted to take away our rights. The Georgia legislature can restore our rights and we must organize to elect a pro-choice legislature.
“We are pleased with the court’s decision and will continue to defend the constitutionality of Georgia’s LIFE Act,” Georgia Attorney General Chris Carr said in a statement.
The Georgia Supreme Court’s ruling on voidness is not the final word on enforceability of H.B. 481. While opponents of the restrictive statute lost their procedural argument, they still have a substantive basis to challenge the law.
Litigants raised additional challenges to the statute under the Georgia state constitution’s due process and equal protection clauses. Those argument were remanded to the trial court for further proceedings. While state constitutions cannot legally guarantee less protection than the U.S. Constitution, many states guarantee broader protections in their constitutions.
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